CHAPTER FIFTEEN MARISA A. SIFONTES A VILLAGE IN TRANSITION : THE CASE OF GANVIE This paper seeks to examine the state of transitions taking place in the Lake Nekoue region of southeastern Benin. With the majority of the population concentrated in this region, increasing population growth continues to put pressures on an already strained environment. The lagoon system running along the coastline serves as a resource for the artisanal fisherman to find his catch and also provides him with a place to live. His catch has historically provided a major source of protein to the people of southern Benin. To this point, nothing but exploitation of the waters has taken place, but it is becoming increasingly difficult to maintain such a careless view. Changes must be made if the resources of the lagoon are to be maintained. The transitions that I will be looking at are the demographic, tourism, and fishing transitions. These form the base of the problems that are currently being experienced. Other transitions, such as forestry and urbanization, do not apply to this water-based setting, and others such as the technological transition, are not yet an issue. GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORY The Republic of Benin runs due north from the West African coast, extending nearly 700 kilometers inland from the Gulf of Guinea. Benin is bordered on the northeast by Niger and the Niger River, on the northwest by the Pendjari River that runs along the border with Burkina Faso, by Nigeria to the east, and Togo to the West. The country is fairly small, with an area roughly equal to the size of the state of Pennsylvania. The coastal region consists of a series of small lagoons which connect Benin's major rivers to the sea, the largest and most important of these is Lake Nekoue. Within this lagoon, as well as others, there exists a population that lives on the water, and derives their nutrition and livelihood from it. In the southeast region, the major ethnic group is Toffinu. They have lived on Lake Nekoue for several hundred years. These people were originally mainland inhabitants, living in the central region of Benin, but fearing their more powerful neighbors who had dealt in the slave trade with the arriving Europeans, they fled south. When they were still pursued, they moved into the middle of Lake Nekoue, because the lagoon was too shallow for slave ships to enter, and the customs of their African pursuers did not allow them to cross the water. Thus, they escaped and their life on the water began. Indeed the name of the largest village on the lagoon, Ganvie reflects this history. In the Toffinu laguage, gan neans "we are" and vie means "saved". THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION As with other developing countries, Benin is still in an active period of its population transition. Birth rates within the rural areas continue to rise, while for the entire country, they have begun to level off in recent years and with increased access to health care and safe drinking water, death rates continue to fall. Figure 1 illustrates this process at work. Additionally, Figure 2 shows the dramatic increased life expectancies that the population is experiencing, causing a shift in the age distribution. Figure 1 Source: World Resource Database, 1994. Figure 2 Source: World Resource Database, 1994. Given these factors, Figure 3 illustrates the projected population increase through the year 2025. There is a public contraception policy in place, although it has a lot to do with preventing the spread of the HIV virus, and not as much with family planning. However, most family planning efforts are focused in the cities, and neither information or supplies are readily disseminated in the rural areas. Given the importance of children within the family, as both future legacy and additional manpower, there is no incentive to reduce family size. Figure 3 Source: World Resource Database, 1994. Each of these statistical realities is being aided by a number of factors at work within the country. For the village of Ganvie, and the rest of the Lake Nekoue region, the major factors are:
Increased access to health care Availability of potable drinking water Imposition of Western religion
Since 1985, the inhabitants of Lake Nekoue have had access to a hospital in the lagoon village of So-Tchanhoue. This hospital is one of the major reasons for the explosion of population within the lagoon. It has given the population much greater access to medicines and treatments than before. (Previously, the nearest hospital was on the mainland.) The hospital has been instrumental in controlling the diseases that have traditionally been self-limiting to the population, such as cholera and malaria. AIDS has not yet made an impact. As of June 1995, only two cases had been diagnosed by the hospital. Additionally, within the last ten years, the government has installed a series of wells to provide fresh, safe drinking water to almost every village on the lagoon. This also has helped stem the historical cholera problem. Both of these factors have helped to cause a rise in the population and put further strain on the ecosystem to provide for the inhabitants that depend on it. As previously stated, family planning projects exist in Benin but have not yet been disseminated to the rural population. The imposition of western religion has also made an impact on this transition. The traditional belief system in the village instilled a strong sense of morals and values among its inhabitants. It provided rewards for those who abided by it, and penalties for those that did not. Through an elaborate system of deities, rituals, and responsibilities, it helped regulate the villager's lives. For example, polygamy is an accepted practice in the village. It is not uncommon for a man to have more than one wife. Although there is no formal limit to the number of wives, under the traditional system, the number of wives that a man may have has been limited by the number of wives (and children) that a man can provide for. If a man did not provide for one of his wives, she could cast a spell on him, or demand that the deities punish him, and misfortune would befall him. As missionary activity in the village increased, and Christianity was introduced, the villagers saw that as people left the traditional ways, nothing happened to them, there was no punishment. For many, it took away the incentive to exist by a difficult, and at times expensive, but practical, system. As such, there are currently three types of belief systems at work in the village: those that follow the traditional belief system, those that follow western/non-indigenous belief systems (Christianity, Islam), and those that follow neither of the two systems. This population, who experience no ramification to their actions and have lost faith in the traditional values, but do not believe in the missionary message have made a powerful impact on the population transition. Men of thirty and forty years of age, having grown up in the traditional society usually have one or two wives, and practice some form of religion, traditional or not. However, this is not so with the younger men. Presently, it is not uncommon for a man of twenty years of age to have in excess of ten wives, each with several children. The men do not take care of their families, and as such, the woman is left to provide for her own family unit, thus enabling the man to procreate further. There is no limit to the number of wives that he may have, since he does not provide for his offspring, thus his resources are not limited by his responsibilities. The women seek to have more children, as the children help provide for the family where the husband does not, and the population grows. (See Figures 1 and 3) This impact is evident by examining age distributions within Ganvie. (Table 1 and Figure 4) In 1979, the majority of the population was under the age of fifteen. It is this group, presently aged 15-30, that is now of childbearing age and is producing significantly more than their replacement amount of offspring that is pressuring the population picture. Table 1 Age Distribution in Ganvie (1979) 0-5 years 6-14 years 15-49 years 50 and up Unknown Total 3,312 2,041 4,212 1,056 196 10,817 Source: Radji, 1991. Figure 4 Source: Radji, 1991. Table 2 also shows these factors at work. Between 1962 and 1995, Ganvie has more than tripled its population, and thus its demands on the lagoon and the ecosystem. More importantly, Table 3 shows the total population of the entire district of which Ganvie is a part, to provide a frame of reference for the magnitude of population growth that the area has experienced. By projecting the increase in the population, using the same level of growth that Ganvie has experienced, the strains on the ecosystem become immediately apparent. If the rate of growth in the district parallels that of Ganvie, the district population has almost tripled within the past fifteen years, and the strain on the ecosystem has risen similarly. Table 2: Population Growth in the Village of Ganvie Year (Source) Total Population 1962 (Demographic Study) 9,300 1979 (Census) 10,807 1989 (Census) 20,000 1995 (Estimate) 30,000 Source: Radji, 1991 and Sifontes, 1995. Table 3: Population of Sous-prefecture (District) of St-Awa in 1979 Administrative Division Total Population % Men per 100 Women 1995 Projected Population So-Awa District (total) 37,818 94.38 104,818 So-Awa 4,913 100.12 13,609 Ahomh-Lokpo 5,297 94.39 14,672 Dekamey 2,350 105.42 6509 Ganvie I 6,449 94.54 30,000 Ganvie II 4,358 86.24 (see above) Houedo-Aguekon 5,096 98.60 14,115 Vekky 9,355 92.25 25,913 [Note: Figures for Ganvie I and Ganvie II should be combined] Source: Radji, 1991. Part of the reason for the slow population growth during the late 1960s and early 1970s that is not evident in the tables is the impact of the rural exodus that took place during that time period. Due to the strength of the Nigerian economy and their currency, the naira, many of the Toffinu migrated to Nigerian in search of opportunity. The recent devaluation of the CFA (the monetary unit for a significant portion of West Africa) coupled with the decline of the natural fishery could have a similar effect in the future. However, in speaking with people about such opportunities, most were reluctant to change their current lifestyles. THE IMPACT OF TOURISM Another part of the changing picture in all of the lagoon villages, but in particular Ganvie, is the role that tourism has played in the development of the villages. Ganvie is singled out due to its position, as the first lagoon village one reaches when leaving the mainland. It is the closest to Cotonou, Benin's largest city, and other villages are further apart. Because of its novelty, it is described as the Venice of the Africa, tourists come from all over the world to see Ganvie. This has helped lead to the decline in the traditional mores of the Toffinu society. It also has other undesired impacts on the village. People have begun to expect money from the tourists. Children beg and pester until they are appeased. Tourism has also provided a market for prostitution in the village. Due to the marketing efforts of the Benin government during the Marxist period, Benin saw a large number of tourists during the 1980s. Since the political shift, however, there has not been emphasis on continuing advertising, and the number of visitors has been decreased. (See Figure 5 and also Appendix A) Figure 5 Source: Radji, 1991. It is estimated that 90% of the tourists visiting Benin, make the trip to Ganvie during their stay. (Radji, 1991) Until recently, the national government has had a monopoly on the exploitation of the tourist trade. The price for the trip to Ganvie was strictly controlled by them. Since the liquidation of ONATHO, the national tourism and hotels office, the private tour operators have taken over this facet of the tourist trade. Under both systems, this has meant the exploitation of the Toffinu. They are shown off and paraded n front of tourists, while only a few villagers (the restaurant and shop owners) derive any benefit at all. The current mayor has worked to change this system, however, and now, for every tourist that comes to the village, a portion of their passage goes to a village fund, to be used as the people of Ganvie see fit. Currently, a trip to Ganvie costs 5,000 CFA (~$10 USD) and of this sum, the village is given 250 CFA (~$0.50 USD). The inequities still abound, but the villagers are able to derive some benefit from the tourist incursions on their lives and thus, continue to tolerate them. This idea of compensation has spread, though, and people will not allow picture taking or even polite conversation without some type of compensation. "Cadeau, cadeau" (gift, gift) is the common cry. The villagers have begun to expect such "gifts" from the tourists, and for the most part, the tourists have been quite happy to oblige. The situation is becoming intolerable, however, as every tourist is inundated by begging villagers. The village excursion is becoming increasingly unpleasant, as the so-called traditional lifestyle that one is traveling to see is being marred by crass commercialism. Tourism provides money for village infrastructure and improvements, but the number of tourists has decreased without the continued government outlay for international advertising. The villagers still do not receive an equitable share of the proceeds gained from their exploitation. However, I do not know how this system could easily be changed, as it is currently controlled by private industries who already have the resources to perform this service. The continued degradation of the lagoon can have a further impact on tourism. As the lagoon ecosystem becomes increasingly constrained, accumulated waste and garbage in the water will serve to dissuade visits to the sight. THE DECLINING FISHERY Evolution of Lake Nekoue At 160 km2, Lake Nekoue is the largest lake in Benin. Its depth is between 0.5 and 1.5 m during the dry season. This figure increases dramatically during the rains, to approximately 2 to 3.5 m. The lake has two exits, through the Totchi canal which connects the Porto-Novo lagoon with the sea near Lagos, Nigeria, and the canal at Cotonou. The outlet at Cotonou is not a natural phenomenon, it is an attempt for man to control the works of nature around him. Its evolution can be explained in a series of steps. First, in 1885, with the repeated flooding of the rapidly expanding Cotonou by the Ouimi and St rivers, an artificial opening was created to relieve this that let the land-locked flood waters in this area escape. The creation of the Cotonou channel allowed the salt and fresh waters to mix in the lake at a much higher concentration than before. The salinity of Lake Nekoue shifted to reflect the additional contact with the marine environment. The ecosystem was dramatically changed by this "first contact". Shrimp, mollusks, and other marine fish were able to exist within the channel and also within the lake. New fishing opportunities were created for certain populations. Fresh water fish sought refuge in the north of the lake where the salinity was still low, and where the phytoplankton from which they derived their nourishment could still be found. Eventually, due to sediment, a gradual closing of the channel would occur without regular dredging. This gave rise to a cycle of opening and closing, where during the dry season, the closing of the channel allowed the freshening of the water and an environment where phytoplankton could flourish, and provided a substantial source of food for the fish population. Once the flood waters had migrated into the lagoon, the channel would be opened by the movement, and the marine and lagoon environments had the opportunity to mix once again. With creation of the commercial port at Cotonou (est. 1960), sand from the channel was removed to make cement for the project. This ended the ability for channel to periodically close. The exchange between sea and lake waters became permanent. This has had repercussions on both flora and fauna of lake The primary flora of the lagoon used to be mangrove. Unfortunately, due to the change in environment and the human devastation of the natural environment (cutting down trees for houses and acadjas), the flora now consists mostly of sea grasses on the small masses of land around as well as within the lagoon which are used to feed animals, and water lilies that dominate the lake during the fresh water period and make travel on the water very difficult. A barrage was built in the late 1970s, in an attempt to return the lagoon to its pre-port state, by enabling the periodic closing of the channel by artificial means. However, this effort was short-lived and unsuccessful, as groups that had begun to use the channel for their shrimp operations favored the continual mix of fresh and marine water environments. Once the barrage was completed, they destroyed it. After a second attempt, and a second sabotage, the barrage idea was abandoned. As would be expected in a water-based society, the main occupation is fishing. The people are integrally connected to the water. They derive their livelihood and nutrition from it, and have so since the establishment of the village. Indeed, approximately 88% of males within the lagoon villages are fisherman, as their primary occupation. With the decline in the natural fishery, there are those that have turned to other professions to make a living. Women purchase the fish that the men catch and sell it to the market or retain it for their own use, women also have small shops and sell other commodities as well.
Methods of Fishing There are a number of different fishing practices within the villages, the ones currently used are:
-LINE (manned) This is the conventional image of fishing, one line and one hook under the fisherman's control.
-CAST NET (manned) This is a large net that is cast over the water in areas that are public domain, the fisherman rapidly casts and recalls them, removing anything that has been caught in the net, and casts it again.
-DJOHOUN (unmanned) This is a method where a number of hooks are hung off of a single line supported on each end by two poles at different lengths. These hooks catch passing fish, which remain caught on the line until the fisherman comes back to remove them.
-BASKETS (unmanned) There are several types of baskets and/or traps used. They are primarily used for catching crabs and shrimp. The fisherman places the traps in the water, primarily at the end of the day, and returns to claim his catch the next morning.
-ACADJA (unmanned) Created in 19th century, this system consists of an ensemble of branches usually circular or in the shape of a rectangle anchored in the bottom of the lagoon, covering top to bottom of lagoon, filled with smaller branches and leaves. The area serves as refuge for number of fish, especially tilapia, which feed on the plankton which develop on the decaying branches and leaves. It also serves as refuge for the fry of reproducing fish. Fishing the acadjas takes a lot of manpower, which favors a communal lifestyle. While only well off members of the community can afford to have them, almost everyone helps fish them. The number of acadjas is now fixed. Previously the acadjas were taking up a significant surface area in the lake, and the decay of all the extra plant material from branches was causing the lake to fill. The state has now imposed a tax which helps to limit the size and number of acadjas on the lake. The economic pressures facing the people are evident here as well, where the acadjas used to fished twice a year, in order to allow for significant growth of the crop, and allow time for reproduction, they are now harvested after a period of only 3 to 4 months. -MEDOKPOKONOU (unmanned) By far, this is the most devastating practice. Only very recently invented, medokpokonou consists of raising a net across a given area in the lake, and placing a large pouch at each end. Given the current condition of the fishery, only nets with very small openings are used. Net size is described by the number of fingers that can fit through one of the holes, thus a fisherman knows how big the smallest of the fish that he will catch will be. The nets for this practice are described as one finger nets. When used, they will effectively remove all the fish from a given area.
The impact of this is clear. By using such small nets, even the fingerlings and non-mature members of many species are being removed from the lake. The species do not have a chance to reproduce and thus, the number of potential as well as actual fish in the lake is reduced. Figure 6 Source: World Resource Database, 1994. Figure 6 shows the dramatic drop in freshwater fish production in Benin in recent years. This can be partially attributed to the decline in the Lake Nekoue fishery, as it is the primary source of fish for the metropolitan Cotonou and Porto Novo regions. The specific amount of fish that comes from the Lake Nekoue fishery is not known, however, it has been estimated at over 50% of the total fish catch. (Falana, 1990) Conversations with the local fishermen tell even more about the state of the fishery, however. In listing the approximately twenty different species that have historically flourished during the flood and non-flood periods (see Appendices B and C), only two or three are currently present in any abundance, and for those, the size of the fish caught as well as the total catch weight has been dramatically reduced.
Regulations There are regulations put in place by the government to protect the natural fishery, such as the regulations concerning acadjas. However, because of the remoteness of the locations, as well as the lack of manpower, they go practically unenforced. Among these regulations is a prohibition on using fishing nets smaller than "two fingers", which if followed would help reduce the damage caused by medokpokonou. People in the village are fully aware of these rules, but knowing that enforcement is non-existent, most choose not to follow them. The future of the natural fishery is bleak, and the population is very slowly becoming aware of it. But knowledge is not automatically leading to action, as the popularity of medokpokonou suggests. Inherent in the Toffinu culture is an "I've got mine" attitude, which impedes resource preservation efforts. As long as there is enough for today, there is no concern for tomorrow. With the rapidly decreasing fish catches, the tide has begun changing, however, and reality has begun to reach them. Already, families are not able to support themselves from their traditional lifestyle, and must seek other nutritional sources. However, due to the decline in the natural fishery, there is not sufficient money to buy supplementary provisions. RECOMMENDATIONS It is a daunting task to change the path that this area is already headed on. There are multiple factors: social, political and economic at work that complicate this process. First, the preservation and protection of the natural fishery needs to be addressed. A primary component of this would entail educating the population of the current situation and its consequences. The people have experienced the dwindling fish catches and have begun to adapt to the decreased productivity. However, their solution is to permanently open the channel to sea, in order to maintain contact with the marine environment, and thus providing a passage for marine fish into the lagoon. This action would serve to devastate the already stressed ecosystem. Instead, we need to look for other ways to allow the Toffinu to continue their historical lifestyle in a way that will preserve the environment for generations to come. There are several recommendations that can be made to address the issues confronting the Toffinu. The first would involve a strict regulation of the exploitation of the lagoon. Fishing practices and net sizes need to be strictly regulated and monitored. While the current government infrastructure does contain a fisheries ministry, its regulations have not kept pace with the current realities of the ecosystem or economy. As has been explained, the population is desperate to feed and support itself from a resource that is unable to adequately provide for those who depend on it. Medokpokonou is just one adaptation to this reality. It is relatively easy for the government to enact regulations. The more difficult task is their enforcement. There is an existing government agency that has greater contact with the village leadership, as well as the population on a more frequent basis. The Ministry for Rural Development already maintains close ties with the lagoon villages to aid in their progress. Already, the local representative acts as a quasi-extension worker providing the villagers with information and services, and hearing and addressing their grievances. Aside from the internal village and familial structures, this is the closest contact that many have with the national government. To extend the duties of this office to encompass some of the duties of a fisheries officer, to monitor local fishing practices, would take advantage of the already existing framework to provide a more watchful eye. Another recommendation involves providing the Toffinu with other activities to support themselves, aside from fishing. This would be a government supported/self-selected effort of retraining. A few people in the villages have already seen the merit of finding non-fisheries based occupations. Others need to be encouraged to do the same and the state can help provide the opportunities for them. Cooperatives can be established along interest lines to promote crafts and trades. Groups to teach such skills as basket making or metal working can be created, and also used to market the goods. These groups can also be used to begin to educate those who have not previously had access to formal education. Public health issues and contraception can be addressed. Such groups would provide greater organization to the population than is currently present. Additionally, to increase village access to food supplies, and to redirect nutritional efforts away from the fishery, the government would be well served to provide land for a "land-based" Ganvie, where agriculture could be practiced. These recommendations are not entirely new. This type of redirection has already happened in an area of the Zou Province. Faced with a declining natural fishery, residents enacted and enforced a program to save their natural resource. To replace the dwindling fish supply, they imported a species of carp from a nearby river, and to ensure its survival, a ban was enacted to prohibit all fishing in the lake for a period of six months, every year. This regulation was enforced by the village chiefs who would enact a hefty fine from anyone who disobeyed the prohibition. This seems to have worked in this area, partially because the villages were land-based, and thus there were agricultural opportunities present to occupy and sustain the population during periods that the ban on fishing was in place. However, it was not an easy transition for a population who had had continuous access to a fishery. In order for the population to be open to such a drastic change, they had to become aware of the consequences of continuing down the current path. They had to become accountable for the future of their resource, learn how to maintain it and police it when the state did not have the resources to help. This would be an even bigger step for the lagoon-based villages of Lake Nekoue, where there is no land, to sustain agricultural activities. This is why a comprehensive retraining plan including the help of the Benin government is necessary to complete the transition from reliance on the fishery. However daunting, such broad steps are crucial to preserve the future of the Toffinu and Lake Nekoue. Tourism has the potential to provide funding for village infrastructure and improvements, as well as economic benefits to the entire country, but the number of tourists has decreased without the continued government outlay for international advertising. If tourism is indeed a priority, money needs to be spent if Benin expects to attract the level of tourists that it has in the past. Additionally, the villagers still do not receive an equitable share of the proceeds gained from their exploitation, but so far have been unsuccessful at increasing their share of the profits. Perhaps a second fee could be charged that the villagers could directly assess and benefit from, one that is more in line with the amount that is currently being charged. The amelioration if the lagoon environment needs to be addressed for the benefit of the tourist trade as well. The continued degradation of the lagoon can only have a further negative impact on tourism. As the lagoon ecosystem becomes increasingly constrained, accumulated waste and garbage in the water will serve to dissuade visits to the sight. A final recommendation would be to greatly increase the amount of aquaculture that is currently being practiced. Figure 7 shows the amount of aquaculture production harvested between 1984 and 1991. In 1984, aquaculture consisted of less than one tenth of one percent of the total fish production. In 1991, it had risen only slightly, the increase in 1987 being due to a funded aquaculture program, which has since bee completed . This level needs to be dramatically increased o a permanent basis, as it has the potential to provide supplemental sources of fish protein in the Benin population diet as well as an income source for the Toffinu (by ensuring their involvement in the project). Aquaculture has already been shown to be a viable part of replacing the nutrition gained from the natural fishery. During the late 1980s, an aquaculture project was held outside of Lake Nekoue. It involved raising a non-native species of tilapia. It was successful for study, but when funding ended, it was not continued, and none of its recommendations have been implemented. The infrastructure still exists, however, and if it were used to raise native species of tilapia that can be raised either for market or for village use, it could take some of the pressure off of the natural system. Figure 7 Source: World Resource Database, 1994. Appendix A Number of Tourists visiting Ganvie, by Nationality, between 1983 and 1988
Nationality Total Number of Visitors Annual Average Rank France 26,170 4,361 1st Germany 9,320 1,553 2nd Benin 8,430 1,405 3rd Switzerland 4,984 830 4th Italy 3,991 665 5th Holland 2,050 341 6th Canada 1,950 325 7th Belgium 1,862 310 8th United States 1,829 304 9th Austria 1,789 298 10th Togo 1,744 290 11th England 1,429 238 12th Russia 1,216 202 13th China 812 135 14th Ctte d'Ivoire 655 109 15th Spain 638 106 16th Nigeria 605 100 17th Senegal 405 67 18th Japan 366 61 19th Niger 350 58 20th Mali 325 54 21st Ghana 299 49 22nd Denmark 293 48 23rd Sweden 244 40 24th Cuba 123 20 25th Source: Radji, 1991. Appendix B Species of fish found during non-flood period and relative abundance:
Toffinu Name Scientific Name Observation Ewh Tilapia melanotherm +++++ Djan zavoun Chrysichthys nigrodigitatus Digon Penaeus duorarum Asson Callinectes latimarus Atcha loki Tchiki Ethmalosa fimbriata ++++ Wlhtin applo Megalops atlanticus Agossou fofo Tiilapa guineensis Ogban Elops lacerta Tchhmidi Eucinostomus gerres Assui Pellonula afseliusu Ogoun Sphyraena guachancho Oussa Trachinotus teraiia Adjago Caranx senegalus Ossan Gimnura micrura Adowi Appendix C Species of fish found during flood period and relative abundance:
Toffinu Name Scientific Name Observation Ewh Tilapia melanotherm +++++ Djan zavoun Chrysichthys nigrodigitatus Digon Penaeus duorarum Hwa Heterotis niloticus ++++ Aboli Clarias gariepimus +++++ Tonvi Clarias agboyiensis Tchiki Ethmalosa fimbriata ++++ Allidjo Kribia nana Agbogui Adovi Hemichromis faciatus Bhbhvou Sovoun Synodontis gambiensis Ekin Chromidotilapia guntheri Agbadja Sannoumadou Agoutchi Ahotoun Parachanna obscura Ohouin REFERENCES Bourgoignie, Georges. Les hommes de l'eau : ethno-icologie du Dahomey lacustre. Editions Universitaires: Paris, 1972. Commission Nationale des Ressources Humaines et de la Population. Situation Demographique, Politique et Programmes de Population au Binin. Cairo, 1984. Falana, Nathalie. Etude d'un Environnement Lagunaire : Cas de la Lagune de Porto-Novo. UNB : Cotonou, 1990. Houadegla, Whahab. Rythmes Climatiques et Productions Halieutiques au Benin. UNB: Cotonou, 1991. Pliya, Jean. La Pjche dans Le Sud-Ouest Binin. Agence de Coopiration Culturelle et Technique : Paris, 1980. Radji, Loukman and Toussaint Vigninou. Le Rtle d'un Village Lacustre dans le Diveloppement Touristique: Le Cas de Ganvii en R. Binin. UNB : Cotonou, 1991. Sifontes, Marisa. Field Research in Binin, 1995. World Resource Database 1994-1995. World Resource Database : New York, 1994.